Commentary: Trump’s U.S.-China Doctrine Shifts From Offense to Defense
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A look at a national security strategy document for a second Trump administration serves as a declaration of how Donald Trump and his team, now in full command of the American state, intend to manage the world and define America’s relationship with it.
Since returning to power in early 2025, Donald Trump has said that in his first term, he had to manage the country while trying to survive; in his second, he intends to manage the country and the world. The U.S. National Security Strategy 2025 document, released late on the night of Dec. 4, is a manifesto for that ambition.
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- The Trump administration’s 2025 National Security Strategy prioritizes U.S. interests, reduces global intervention, and abandons permanent global dominance, focusing mainly on Western Hemisphere superiority and economic security.
- China competition shifts to economics; securing Indo-Pacific supply chains and limiting military burdens on allies are key, while Taiwan's importance is framed in material terms.
- The document rejects climate and net-zero policies, downgrades the EU, and redefines alliances, pursuing "America First" pragmatism without rigid ideology.
The recently released U.S. National Security Strategy 2025 outlines how President Donald Trump’s administration, back in power since his victory over Kamala Harris in the 2024 presidential election and his inauguration on January 20, 2025, intends to redefine America’s role in world affairs. The document is described as a declaration of Trump’s ambition to manage both the country and the world, contrasting with his first term, during which he felt he was focused on survival rather than governance at the international level. The strategy, released on December 4, 2025, marks a shift in both breadth and orientation compared to its predecessors[para. 1][para. 2].
Unlike previous strategies that addressed every major global issue, the Trump administration’s approach asserts that U.S. resources must be prioritized for matters directly relevant to American interests, rejecting the goal of blanket global engagement. The document frames itself in opposition to the foreign policy establishment, arguing that past elites overlooked the American people's desire to avoid bearing unnecessary global burdens[para. 3][para. 4].
The strategy establishes specific regional priorities. First, it emphasizes U.S. dominance in the Western Hemisphere, echoing the Monroe Doctrine and pledging to prevent rival powers from threatening the region. The second priority is the Indo-Pacific—but the focus is on preserving critical sea lanes and economic opportunity, not promoting democracy or countering authoritarianism. The document downplays the “democracy vs. autocracy” narrative of the previous administration[para. 5][para. 6][para. 7].
Regarding Europe, the Trump administration seeks to downgrade the influence of the EU and post-Cold War liberal values. It advocates supporting conservative European parties, halting mass migration, resisting transnational authority, and temporarily stopping NATO expansion. The U.S. will help Europe manage its relationship with Russia and revive its cultural heritage[para. 8][para. 9].
As for the Middle East, Trump’s strategy remains consistent: secure energy supplies, end “endless wars”, avoid nation-building, guarantee Israel's survival, and prevent terrorism. Africa is barely addressed, with the document promising to limit engagement to commercial opportunities or crises—moving away from aid and poverty alleviation[para. 10][para. 11].
Several core ideas of Trumpian foreign policy are now formalized. One is resisting calls for military intervention that serve the interests of allies rather than America. Allies’ demands will face tougher scrutiny, and interventions will need stronger justification[para. 12][para. 13]. Economic security is prioritized: restoring energy dominance, re-industrialization, and job creation are strategic goals. The administration rejects climate-change policy and net-zero targets as harmful and counter-productive[para. 14][para. 15].
Unlike in his first term, the administration now frames China not as a “revisionist power,” but as a primary economic competitor. U.S.-China rivalry will center on trade, supply chains, and industrial policy rather than military confrontation. The document warns of threats from predatory industrial policies, intellectual property theft, and supply chain manipulation, while calling out alleged “debt trap” diplomacy[para. 16][para. 17][para. 18].
The Trump strategy acknowledges that larger states wield disproportionate influence, but states the U.S. will not sacrifice blood and treasure to constrain all major powers. This approach, termed “Flexible Realism,” accepts commercial relations with rival powers, so long as core American interests are not compromised. Support for allies remains, but not at the cost of being drawn into unnecessary wars[para. 19][para. 20][para. 21].
For the Indo-Pacific, supply chain security and freedom of navigation are priorities. Taiwan is important chiefly for its semiconductors, geography, and shipping lanes. The document insists allies in the region must share defense burdens, warning that the U.S. alone cannot guarantee regional security. The approach to Taiwan is cautious, focused on deterrence and preventing conflict with China, though it suggests that America’s posture is now about holding the status quo rather than seeking dominance[para. 22][para. 23][para. 24][para. 25].
Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth reinforced this outlook, stating the era of unipolar U.S. dominance is over. The U.S. seeks fair trade and stability with China, not dominance or containment, aiming only to prevent China from overwhelming the U.S. or its allies[para. 26][para. 27].
The document is ultimately a pragmatic guide, but Trump reserves the flexibility to pivot when it serves “what works for America”—summarizing his foreign policy as “America First,” unconstrained by traditional ideological labels[para. 28][para. 29].
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- Xu Heqian, an international news editor, works for Caixin Media. The article does not offer additional details about Caixin Media itself.
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