China Sees Opportunity as Trade War Hits Latin America (AI Translation)
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文|财新周刊 侯吴婷
By Caixin Weekly’s Hou Wuting
“突然之间,有人认为自己有权对所有人、所有事物征税,而无需征得任何同意,仿佛他们拥有整个世界。”5月14日,巴西总统卢拉在接近完成访华之旅的离京前记者会上说,“这个世界可没有义务接受这种做法。”
“Suddenly, some people seem to believe they have the right to tax everyone and everything, without seeking anyone’s consent, as if they own the entire world,” Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva said at a press conference in Beijing on May 14, near the end of his state visit to China. “But the world is under no obligation to accept such practices,” he added.
在这位三度入主巴西总统府的拉美政坛左翼老将看来,过去数月里,世界变得更加难以预测,愈发不稳定且碎片化,而拉丁美洲和加勒比海地区国家,“是在这一局势中受害最深的地区之一”。
To this seasoned leftist of Latin American politics, now serving his third term as Brazil’s president, the world over the past several months has become increasingly unpredictable, ever more unstable and fragmented. In his view, countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have become “one of the regions hardest hit by these developments.”
5月13日,中国—拉美和加勒比国家共同体(下称拉共体)论坛第四届部长级会议在北京召开。中拉论坛由中国和33个拉共体成员国组成,其宗旨是建立平等互利、共同发展的中拉全面合作伙伴关系,而今年是中拉论坛正式启动10周年。出席这场多边会议的除了多国外交部长和代表,更有将中国视为建设多边主义格局重要合作伙伴的卢拉以及智利的博里奇和哥伦比亚的佩特罗这三位拉美重要国家总统。
On May 13, the Fourth Ministerial Meeting of the China–Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) Forum was held in Beijing. The China-CELAC Forum consists of China and 33 CELAC member countries, with the aim of establishing a comprehensive partnership marked by equality, mutual benefit, and joint development. This year marks the 10th anniversary of the formal launch of the forum. In addition to foreign ministers and delegates from various countries, the multilateral meeting was attended by three major Latin American presidents—Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil, Gabriel Boric of Chile, and Gustavo Petro of Colombia—who regard China as an important partner in building a multilateral international order.

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- U.S.-China rivalry is reshaping Latin America’s geopolitical and economic landscape, with Trump’s tariffs pressuring countries like Mexico, while Brazil benefits from expanded agricultural exports to China.
- China-Latin America trade hit $518.47 billion in 2024 (up 6%), with China now the region's second-largest trading partner; Brazil leads with $188.18 billion, and Mexico faces economic strain due to U.S. tariffs.
- Latin American countries struggle to balance relations with both powers, seeking diplomatic autonomy and economic diversification, amid U.S. pressure to limit China’s regional influence.
Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva criticized what he views as the imposition of unilateral economic measures—taxes and controls—by some nations without global consent, reflecting broader concerns among Latin American leaders about rising instability and geopolitical fragmentation. These pressures have hit Latin America and the Caribbean especially hard in recent months [para. 1-2]. At the Fourth Ministerial Meeting of the China–CELAC Forum in Beijing, which brings together China and 33 Latin American and Caribbean countries, leaders including Lula, Chile’s Gabriel Boric, and Colombia’s Gustavo Petro underscored China’s growing importance as a trade and diplomatic partner and their interest in a multipolar world. Notably, Colombia formally joined China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), aiming to leverage Chinese investment in its energy transition [para. 3-4].
Multiple cooperation agreements were signed between China and Brazil (20 agreements), and China and CELAC countries agreed on a roadmap of over 100 projects through 2027, reflecting deepening ties. Chile, which sends 40% of its exports to China, reaffirmed its support for multilateral cooperation [para. 5]. Amid these developments, U.S.–Latin America relations are cooling, with an expected Trump administration forecast to focus policy on immigration control, drug crime, and containing Chinese influence, sometimes employing tariffs and strategic pressure. The U.S. has raised concerns over China's perceived involvement in the Panama Canal and other economic activities, pressuring countries to pick sides [para. 6-7].
China-Latin America trade exceeded $518 billion in 2024—a six percent rise year-on-year and a fortyfold increase since 2000. China has also signed free trade agreements with Chile, Peru, Costa Rica, Ecuador, and Nicaragua [para. 8]. Unlike the EU’s unified strategy, Latin American nations act individually, lacking collective resistance to either U.S. or Chinese pressure. The U.S. has signaled opposition to multilateral loans financing Chinese BRI projects, especially in Colombia, and remains wary of initiatives involving the New Development Bank (NDB) of BRICS, seen as a tool to enhance regional autonomy [para. 11-16].
Within Latin America, responses vary: Mexico, deeply integrated with the U.S. economy and supply chains, is balancing strong trade ties with both the U.S. and China. Despite U.S. tariffs and political pressure, Mexico’s reliance on Chinese components for exports and manufacturing remains high. In 2024, bilateral trade with China reached $109.43 billion—up 9.23%—with China’s exports to Mexico dwarfing imports [para. 37-40]. U.S. policy under Trump features broad tariffs (25% on many Mexican exports), exacerbating Mexico’s economic challenges: a fiscal deficit of 5.9% of GDP and anemic GDP growth prospects [para. 43-50]. Nonetheless, Mexican leaders are attempting to maintain a pragmatic, dual-track approach, seeking to diversify trade while remaining cautious toward China [para. 59-60].
Brazil appears as a potential beneficiary of U.S. tariffs on Mexico. China is Brazil’s biggest trading partner; bilateral trade in 2024 reached $188.2 billion, with China also heavily investing in Brazilian infrastructure and agriculture [para. 73-80]. Brazil’s agricultural exports to China continue to soar—China imported 74.65 million tons of soybeans from Brazil in 2024 (over 70% of Chinese soybean imports) [para. 88]. However, Brazilian leaders are mindful of the volatility in global trade and wary of overdependence on a single market [para. 91-100].
Argentina, under President Javier Milei—a pro-U.S. leader known for “shock therapy” austerity—has tilted strongly toward Washington, even withdrawing from BRICS. Yet, economic realities force Argentina to maintain financial links with China: its $5 billion bilateral swap line with China is crucial for its foreign reserves [para. 113-126]. While Argentina’s economy is set to contract 1.7% in 2024, pressure from both the U.S. (especially for IMF support) and China remains high; over half of Argentina’s beef and about 70% of its lithium exports go to China [para. 131].
Across the region, countries struggle to chart their own course between Chinese investment and U.S. political and economic pressure. While the U.S. focuses on security and migration, China advances credit, trade, and multilateral engagement [para. 164-173]. Analysts agree Latin America’s best strategy may be pragmatic non-alignment, seeking maximum economic advantage from both sides without being drawn fully into either camp [para. 184-194].
- State Grid Corporation of China
中国国家电网 - According to the article, State Grid Corporation of China acquired CPFL, the largest private power producer in Brazil. CPFL supplies electricity to São Paulo, Brazil's most populous and economically significant state. State Grid’s presence is described as essential to Brazil’s electricity sector, highlighting the strategic importance of Chinese investment in Brazil’s infrastructure.
- CPFL Energia
CPFL - CPFL Energia is Brazil's largest private electricity producer and a major power supplier in the country's most populous state, São Paulo. The company plays a crucial role in Brazil's energy sector. It was acquired by China's State Grid Corporation, making Chinese enterprises indispensable in Brazil's electricity industry and illustrating a key area of China-Brazil economic cooperation.
- Citibank
花旗 - The article mentions Citibank analysts, specifically Steven Palacio and Gabriel Lozano, who reported that Mexico's economy is very weak, especially in terms of domestic demand. Their analysis further revised Mexico's 2025 GDP growth forecast downward to 0.2%, which is significantly lower than the previous estimate of 1% earlier in the year. Citibank thus provides economic outlooks referenced in discussions of Mexico’s economic future under U.S. trade pressures.
- JPMorgan Chase
摩根大通 - The article mentions JPMorgan Chase only briefly, citing analysts Steven Palacio and Gabriel Lozano. Their analysis states that the Mexican economy is currently very weak, particularly regarding domestic demand, and they predict further economic slowdown for Mexico in 2025, citing the challenging fiscal and trade environment, including pressure from U.S. tariffs. No other substantial information about JPMorgan Chase is provided in the article.
- China Southern Airlines
中国南方航空公司 - According to the article, in May 2024, China Southern Airlines launched a direct passenger flight route between Shenzhen and Mexico City. This new route aims to promote economic and people-to-people exchanges, facilitating growing trade and investment links between China and Mexico, as more Chinese companies choose Mexico as a strategic location for accessing Latin American and North American markets.
- Argus Media
阿格斯 - Argus Media is an international energy and commodity pricing agency mentioned in the article for its market procurement tracking. The article cites Argus as the source for data on China's soybean purchases from Brazil, illustrating its role in providing price assessments and market intelligence in global energy and commodity markets.
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